"The Government does not approach China as an adversary. Rather, its policy is aimed at encouraging China’s peaceful rise and ensuring that strategic competition in the region does not lead to conflict." -2013 Defence White Paper
澳大利亚国防白皮书第二章三节：
The United States and China
03/05/2013 |澳大利亚国防部
2.19 More than any other, the
relationship between the United States and China will determine the
outlook for our region. Some competition is inevitable, but both seek
stability and prosperity, not conflict. On this basis, Australia sees the
most likely future as one in which the United States and China are able
to maintain a constructive relationship encompassing both competition and
cooperation.
2.20 It will be important for the United States
and China to grow their political and strategic relationship to match their
deep economic integration. Both countries have a clear interest in preserving
regional stability and security. We expect that both the United States and
China will work hard to maximise cooperative
aspects and minimise
the competitive elements
in the relationship.
At the heart
of continued stability and
prosperity in the
Indo-Pacific is a
positive and enduring
bilateral US-China relationship
at every level – economic, political, strategic and military-to-military.
2.21 The United States will continue to be the
world’s strongest military power and the most influential strategic actor in our
region for the foreseeable future. The role of the United States in the
Indo-Pacific has been central
to maintaining a
stable Asian region for
more than 60
years. The United States’ alliances and partnerships in North
and Southeast Asia and the United States’ guarantee of extended deterrence –
the commitment that it would come to the defence of any of its allies that were
attacked – has provided a stable security environment underpinning regional
prosperity.
2.22 Through
its multifaceted rebalance,
the United States
is shifting its
strategic posture to
support a peaceful region where
sovereign states can enjoy continued security and prosperity. This rebalance underlines
an increased United States’ focus on Asia. The United States has signed the
ASEAN Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, joined the East Asia Summit, upgraded
its relations with India and reviewed its military posture in Asia.
2.23 The
US rebalance provides
opportunities for deeper
bilateral and multilateral
political, economic, diplomatic
and military cooperation with regional states. The United States has announced
that its rebalance includes enhancing partnerships with India, Indonesia,
Malaysia, New Zealand and Vietnam and has outlined a vision for substantive and
sustained military-to-military engagement with China as part of its broader
relationship.
2.24 In November 2011, Australia and the United States announced two
force posture initiatives as a natural development in
our bilateral relationship
that will support
increased regional security
cooperation.
These initiatives
comprise the deployment of US Marine Corps personnel to the Northern Territory,to conduct
exercises and training on a rotational basis with the ADF, and closer
cooperation between the Royal
Australian Air Force and the US Air Force that will result in increased
rotations of US aircraft through northern
Australia.
2.25 At the Australia-US Ministerial Meeting
(AUSMIN) 2012 in Perth, Australia and the United States agreed to undertake a
cooperative study to explore opportunities in the long-term for enhanced
cooperation with the US Navy at a range of locations in Australia, including
Australia’s Indian Ocean naval base, HMAS
Stirling. Decisions on
future options for
increased US naval
cooperation in Australia require further consideration by both
Governments.
2.26 While the rebalance is much broader than
its military elements, it will also be reflected in US decisions on defence
force structure, investments in technology and weapon systems, and operational
plans and tactics.
2.27 Australia welcomes China’s rise, not just
because of the social and economic benefits it has brought China’s people,
but also in
recognition of the
benefits that it
has delivered to
states around the globe. China’s
continued economic growth
has been a
positive contributor to
the economies of Australia and other states, helping to
offset the economic troubles of Europe and relatively low growth in the United
States.
2.28 The Government does not believe that
Australia must choose between its
longstanding Alliance with the United States and its expanding relationship with China; nor do the United States and China believe that we must make such a choice. Their growing economic interdependence and developing security cooperation reinforce this point. The Government does not approach China as an adversary. Rather, its policy is aimed at encouraging China’s peaceful rise and ensuring that strategic competition in the region does not lead to conflict.
longstanding Alliance with the United States and its expanding relationship with China; nor do the United States and China believe that we must make such a choice. Their growing economic interdependence and developing security cooperation reinforce this point. The Government does not approach China as an adversary. Rather, its policy is aimed at encouraging China’s peaceful rise and ensuring that strategic competition in the region does not lead to conflict.
2.29 China’s economic transformation is also
changing the regional global strategic balance and is a major contributor to
global strategic weight
shifting to the
Indo-Pacific. China’s defence
capabilities are growing and its
military is modernising, as a natural and legitimate outcome of its economic
growth.
This will
inevitably affect the strategic calculations and posture of regional countries
and is changing the balance
of military power
in the western
Pacific. With China’s global
interests expanding, it is becoming
more active on a broader range of international issues.
2.30 The
effect of China’s
rise is being
felt in Southeast
Asia, where China,
Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei have
competing territorial claims. Many states are concerned by rising regional tensions
since 2009, and have called for their management through a Code of Conduct in
the South China Sea consistent with principles of international law.
03/05/2013|The Australian Strategic Policy Institute
The future relationship between the United States and China will significantly define Asia’s strategic future. For Australia, there’s no more important question than how Washington and Beijing will manage their relationship. So it’s great to see that the government’s new Defence White Paper (DWP) introduces a much more nuanced assessment of the emerging US–China strategic balance and its implications for Australian defence policy.
The 2009 DWP was very strong in pointing to Chinese military assertiveness as a major source of concern for Australian defence policy, but the new document states that the government ‘does not approach China as an adversary’. It also recognises Beijing’s military modernisation as a ‘natural and legitimate outcome of its economic growth’. This reflects the reality that China’s military rise doesn’t automatically mean greater instability in Asia.
Yet, even more important is that the 2013 DWP has a chapter called ‘The United States and China’. The message is clear and compelling: Australia recognises that both Washington and Beijing face the same challenges and carry primary responsibility to manage their relationship in the best interest of the region. Indeed, the paper argues that ‘[w]e expect that both the United States and China will work hard to maximise cooperative aspects and minimise the competitive elements in the relationship’. Putting them together in one chapter also avoids unhelpful dichotomies about Australia having to ‘choose’ between the US and China. As the DWP rightly points out, America’s China policy has long characterised by cooperation and competition, and there is nothing that suggests that an abrupt shift for the worse is inevitable. The document therefore concludes that Australia does not have to choose ‘between its longstanding Alliance with the United States and its expanding relationship with China; nor do the United States and China believe we must make such as choice’. As Mark Thomson has convincingly argued, Australia’s manoeuvring between the United States and China isn’t a simple ‘zero-sum’ game.
Critics might argue the DWP is kowtowing to China. That’s not true. The paper points out that China’s growing defence capabilities are subject of concern in the region and that ways of managing uncertainties and miscalculations have to be found. It also makes absolutely clear that the US alliance remains the cornerstone of our defence policy and that we’ll continue to support America’s ‘rebalance’ towards Asia.
A final piece of nuance is that the DWP makes clear, without mentioning China, that the risk of a major power attack on Australia is not only extremely unlikely but that we should never expect to defend ourselves alone against such a scenario. Should World War III break out, the US and other regional countries would be on our side; if not, we’re doomed anyway. In other words, we shouldn’t use unrealistic worst case assumptions as the basis for defence planning; we simply don’t need the capacity to ‘rip an arm off’ a major power.
【环球时报驻澳大利亚特约记者 闻小芳 葛元芬】澳大利亚总理吉拉德和国防部长史密斯3日举行记者会，正式发布澳大利亚2013年国防白皮书。与以往相比，这次的国防白皮书对华基调明显缓和。白皮书明确称，澳大利亚欢迎中国崛起，不把中国视为对手。澳防务专家普遍认为，出于多方面考虑，澳不能在美中之间“选边站”。法新社等外媒评论说，澳这一军事路线图意味着其强硬言辞已发生转变。中国外交部发言人华春莹3日表示，这份国防白皮书体现了澳方对发展中澳关系的重视和积极态度。
据澳《悉尼先驱晨报》3日报道，澳2013年国防白皮书所采取的立场与2009年的国防白皮书大为不同，当年的白皮书质疑中国的“长期战略野心”。新白皮书则表示，中国的国防能力正在增强、军队加速现代化，这是中国经济增长的自然和合理的结果，澳不将中国视为威胁。白皮书称：“政府不视中国为对手，相反，其政策旨在鼓励中国和平崛起以及确保该地区的战略竞争不会导致冲突。”
此外，白皮书还称，澳大利亚将设置国防采购及建设“长期目标”，在财政允许的时候把国防支出恢复到国内生产总值的2%，而本财年的国防预算支出将占到国内生产总值的1.56%。白皮书提出要加强澳海空军实力，并提出一系列军购方案，但没有阐述具体金额。
澳总理吉拉德在记者会上表示，全球经济和战略形势发生改变，使澳大利亚当前的国防形势相比2009年有了巨大变化。对于澳大利亚而言，一个和平的印度洋—太平洋地区环境以及最大限度合作的中美关系蕴藏着巨大的利益。她强调，对澳大利亚而言，中国不再是一个威胁，澳大利亚欢迎中国的崛起。但也“充分认识到中国正在改变所处地区的战略秩序”。
新白皮书的内容迅速引起外界关注。《澳大利亚人报》3日评论称，新的白皮书发出3个明确的政治信息：军事预算不会被削减;国防军的主要任务仍然是保护澳大利亚;在可预见的未来，国防工业的工作是安全的。该报称，澳的地理位置、与美国的历史盟友关系以及与中国迅速发展的关系，使它能很好地成为该地区的调解者。
法新社3日称，正如预期的那样，白皮书强调了澳美关系的重要性，美是澳主要军事伙伴，白皮书特别强调要加强联盟。路透社称，澳新战略强调需要中美两国构建它们的战略伙伴关系，澳不认为必须在维持与美国的联盟和加强与中国关系之间做出选择。
美国《华尔街日报》3日称，澳已发出迄今为止最清晰的信号，它想深化与中国的军事关系，这一举动面临着与美国关系紧张的风险。该报写道，最近，澳除了加深同中国的经济和金融联系之外，还与中国举行了多次联合军演。现在澳约1/4的出口前往中国，主要是原材料。
澳国防分析人士认为，虽然澳将继续呼吁中国军力发展透明化，但这份白皮书提出了一个更平衡的前景。澳大利亚国立大学战略分析家保罗·迪布说：“它并没有侮辱中国，并且它承认印尼和印度在我们更广泛地区的重要性。”澳战略政策研究所负责人彼得·詹宁斯说：“这是我们这几年来见过的最成熟的战略政策表达。”
澳大利亚竭力试图在中美之间保持平衡
07/06/2013|俄罗斯之声
澳大利亚的经济越来越离不开中国。四月它对中国的出口再创新高。澳大利亚官方统计部门的数据还显示，四月份澳大利亚对华贸易顺差从5.55亿美元降至0.25亿美元。降幅如此之大是因为中国产品和服务进口的大幅增长。
同期澳大利亚央行也在最大程度地增加了对中国国债的投资。今天投资额已占澳大利亚外汇资产的5％，接近400亿美元。两国金融领域的合作规模之大，以致相互结算不必使用美元。澳元已成为继美元和日元之后能与人民币直接兑换的第三种货币。
不过仅铁矿石就约占澳大利亚对华出口的三分之二。中国对它的需求越来越少，而且全球铁矿石价格大幅走低。所以经济分析人士不排除，正是中国能致澳大利亚经济崩溃，一旦自己的经济结构出现急剧转型。而且中国经济一旦“硬着陆”也会让澳大利亚经济出现严重问题。
澳大利亚人明白这一点，所以不断对中国做出政治上的让步。例如，几天前澳大利亚外长卡尔明确表示，堪培拉准备原谅中国窃取澳大利亚的国家秘密。据称，来自中国的黑客窃取了有关在堪培拉情报局新总部安装通信设备和安全系统的计划的文件。澳大利亚外长表示，该事件不会影响澳中战略伙伴关系。
与此同时，这种伙伴关系的牢固性也因美国在澳大利亚不断扩大军事存在而受到考验。美国正在对中国形成包围圈，澳大利亚北部达尔文港空军基地就是其中一站。这里的美国海军陆战队员已增至2500人，还部署有战略轰炸机、战斗机和加油机。中国对美国把澳大利亚当作遏制中国的平台深感不安。这是美国人惯用的战略——利用任何国家遏制日益增长的中国军力，俄罗斯科学院世界经济和国际关系研究所国际安全问题中心主任阿列克谢·阿尔巴托夫认为。
“美国越来越重视制衡中国。美国人认为，对中国的军事制衡一定应当是有威慑力的，以致中国不会动用武力维护自己日益增长的野心和政治利益。美国的战略力量明显转向遏制中国。其中，亚太地区的反导系统就部分用来应对中国的导弹攻击。”
今天澳大利亚显然要在两个大国之间保持平衡。它既想争取从同美国的军事合作中获得最大好处，同时又想从同中国的经济往来中获得最大的经济实惠。今天这种平衡勉强在维持着。但是美国因中国在本地区影响力的增长将会加大施压力度。在此情形下，澳大利亚应该努力去做的是降低对抗温度，而不是去增加中美之间的不信任程度。
全文: http://radiovr.com.cn/2013_06_07/220690086/
全文: http://radiovr.com.cn/2013_06_07/220690086/
